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Chapter 10“Mors Imperator”»MORS IMPERATOR«

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Machine translation, not yet checked. This chapter is a raw AI-assisted draft made from the public-domain German. Expect mistakes of fact and of tone; it is here to make the work readable in English, not to be quoted.

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And soon afterwards I began my great picture, which after long debates — at first it was to be called “Rex regum”1 — I entitled “Mors Imperator.” I painted at it a long time, almost a year — then it was finished; my few friends found it excellent — and I sent it to the Great Exhibition in Berlin. Professor Becker was still president of the Academy then.

Prince Ernst of Meiningen was passing through, and Becker was showing him round the exhibition before it opened. “Where is Mors Imperator by Hermione von Preuschen?” he asked. “The picture is excellent, certainly,” the professor explained, “only we cannot do that to the aged Emperor2, so crass a memento mori. We shall inform the painter that it is the crooked execution of a crooked thought, and therefore inadmissible.” —

Prince Ernst, much astonished, telegraphed me the affair. Two hours later I was sitting in the express to Berlin, arrived there at daybreak, and soon afterwards went to Professor Becker myself. He confirmed to me the “crooked impression of a crooked thought.” “And if I now bring you the Emperor's personal declaration that he himself takes no exception to the picture?” — “You will hardly obtain that.”

But I set heaven and hell in motion, and was soon assured in black and white3 that His Majesty personally took no offence at the exhibiting of the picture. —

Triumphant, I hurried with it to Becker. A new council was convened. But the jurors held to their pronouncement: the crooked execution of a crooked thought. They were afraid of the vox populi! A good deal had already got out about the affair, and the most contradictory paragraphs were chasing one another through the press. The wildest rumours now began to outbid each other. I was supposed to have made the most incredible demands about how it was to be exhibited. Among others, only in a room hung with black and by wax candlelight. Every paper carried life stories or caricatures of me. The one in “Ulk”4 I still remember: Preuschen: “Will you reject my next picture too, Professor?”

“No, Madame, I shall not do you that favour again.” —

So I rented a place (on the corner of the Markgrafenstraße) and exhibited the picture on my own account. The crush was tremendous. Telegrams about the opening were sent out by every newspaper. On the first morning, between nine and eleven o'clock, the painting had already been viewed by over five hundred people. Here I held it in my hand, to compel my fate and seize the spirit of the age by the “forelock.” — I did not take hold of it rightly; it all slipped away from me again, and the great sensational success of Mors Imperator proves today to be the curse of my life5. It granted me an exceptional position as an “outsider.” Today the closed phalanx of the art dealers, and of the fashionable painters they favour, will have nothing to do with the “outsider” who once managed to obtain dizzying day-fame and glittering day-gold.

But in those days I was in everyone's mouth. How it went to my head! I still remember that the pavements from the Potsdamer Platz to the Markgrafenstraße lay full of the little yellow papers — the entrance tickets to my picture. Like carnival! And it was indeed the carnival of my life — which was very soon to be followed by a grisly Ash Wednesday. But at the time I noticed nothing of that. Every morning and every midday I fetched myself pocketfuls of money from my exhibition. —

Friedrich Dernburg, the brilliant journalist, my closer countryman from Darmstadt, in whose house I went about a great deal in Berlin, took up the cause of my Mors Imperator exhibition quite particularly. With him I had published a broadsheet6 about the “Ruler Death, crowned with the iron ring of necessity.” That became a proverb in those days. In the restaurants people everywhere talked of nothing but Mors Imperator and its painter. “That must be a bold piece of woman; I should like to meet her,” I once heard a gentleman next to me say. I had trouble restraining my companion from saying: “You are sitting next to her!”

Yes, that time went to my head like intoxication. But it became a curse to me. All the same, with the exhibiting of Mors Imperator alone I earned over fifty thousand marks7 in the course of five years. Later I sold the picture comparatively cheaply to the merchant Fritz in Zurich8. He then lent it to me a few times more for “Preuschen exhibitions,” and wanted, so I heard, to sell it again.

On the thrones the great dying now began, “called up,” as people said, by my picture9. First the old Emperor died! Then came the tragedy of the Crown Prince Rudolf, and then the most shattering of all: the Emperor and Empress Frederick. —

I had always been in lively correspondence with the Crown Princess. She had often answered me at length, though usually without a signature. And so I sent her, trustingly and with no suspicion, a large photograph of Mors Imperator, several weeks before it appeared in public. The Crown Prince was suffering from his throat at the time, and had travelled to England with his wife to consult Dr. Mackenzie. Mackenzie had just explained to the Crown Princess the cancerous nature of the illness. Shaken to the depths, she travelled home, found my letter there, and opened it joyfully, recognising my handwriting. And into her hand falls the picture “Mors Imperator”!10 From that hour I have never seen her again; she never wrote to me again; she conceived a superstitious aversion to me. Her lady-in-waiting, Countess Kalckreuth, told me so much later. —

No, Mors Imperator brought me no good fortune in any way, for all the outward, roaring, ringing success. The picture became the curse of my life. I have to keep repeating it.

When I came back from Berlin the whole world seemed at first transformed to me. I travelled for several weeks to Venice and the Riviera, to recover from all the work, the excitement and — from Oswald. When I returned, everything seemed to be getting a little better. My old Karlsruhe friend Emma L.11 had moved to Munich as D.'s pupil. She soon called for me every afternoon to go walking. But she grew more uncanny to me every day. For several years she had spent long months with D. among the fishermen at Chioggia, and it seemed to me that she nursed a great, secret passion for the thoroughly happily married artist. After that she became acquainted with the Ibsens by chance, went a great deal to the house, and dropped hints to me of a forbidden love of Ibsen's for her12. I did not really believe her — I knew Ibsen and his dry manner far too well; we too had been treated most faithfully by them in Munich — after Gossensaß — and were often at the house.

Every New Year's Eve we drank punch there and ate Frau Ibsen's “self-piped” piped cakes. That was the one time in the year that I was warm in the otherwise so chilly suite of rooms in the Maximilianstraße, with their old Italian pictures of saints. “My wife suffers from hot flushes,” the poet would explain as he whirred up and down the long row of rooms, rubbing his hands, plagued by cold, restless as a bat. But at New Year it was warm, and he drank a very thorough New Year punch and then became wonderfully animated, spoke of his dramas, his problems, and of how his figures pressed on him with tangible solidity. “Rebekka West has a cornflower-blue dress and a white bib apron.”13 The sentence is unforgettable to me. Just then the “Gjengangere,” the Ghosts, were making their triumphal progress through the world.

Of Emma L. he never spoke to me, although he knew she was my friend. And when I once asked him, he only said, smiling: “Poor thing.” —

But I now saw her daily. She had a studio with an apartment in the Landwehrstraße, and her pictures were a poor copy of Gude and D., good, but without a personal note. The fame of Mors Imperator had got badly on her nerves. She was also hungry for fame and sick with love. How much so, I only understood fully some years later. But as I said, at that time she was uncanny to me. She told me, with flickering eyes, about the love-nights of her studio neighbour, that she understood every word — that she did not have to put up with it. And then, quite abruptly: “I dance every night now!” — “You dance?” — “Yes, in front of the mirror, naked; it is very beautiful and my only joy!” I looked at her, appalled. Her eyes glowed madly. — —

A few years later she took her own life. Beforehand she had brought all her pictures to an exhibition at the Kunstverein. On the morning of the opening she shot herself.14 — That caused a sensation, and brought the pictures a great crowd. Since the exhibition was postponed by a fortnight, she had to bear the lonely torment of awaiting death a fortnight longer. Poor creature! Not much love came to her longing for love in death! She had written me a farewell letter, to Italy, where I was staying at the time. When I came back to Munich I went to the portress of her studio apartment and had her tell me these dreadful outward last details.

To her too the “thousand voices in the depths” had lied, and she succumbed to her unsatisfied craving for love. At that time, though, she called for me every day for a walk or to hunt for antiques, and indulged in mysterious hints about monstrous passions. It was not healthy company for me. —

I had now begun a picture: “Irene von Spilimberg on the Death-Gondola.”15 The picture that Scheffel's words had called up before my soul back in my earliest youth: the lying-in-state of the great woman painter, Titian's last beloved, on the Piazzetta, garlanded with flowers by the people. I lived through the whole unwritten Scheffel novel again, the poet having been driven out of Venice by the cholera in the midst of his detailed source-study for it, so that he had to flee to Castel Toblino. Everything came back to me that he had told me then. But I also went to the library and fetched out the relevant books. A shining artist's life rose up before me. How the young artist had come down from her battlemented castle in Friuli, had risen like a meteor over Venice, and had gone out again just as fast. Over her studio she had written the motto: “Si fata tulissent.” —

But the gods had not willed it. The meteor went out at twenty-one, by a rival's dagger or by poison. The story becomes unclear at this point. Following a bizarre whim, I decided to give Irene my own features. She was, after all, a painter and a poet like me. Blonde and blue-eyed into the bargain. I had myself photographed life-size as a corpse. I still possess the picture.16 I shall probably not look very different on the last pillow — “as human features, when life has gone out — with its low, small everyday doings, find their way back to the noble form — that the passion of living blurred — back to the beauty of their young soul.”

These lines are my own, and are, I believe, true.

Later, long after I had finished the picture and steered my life into other channels, I was in Friuli and at the castle of the Spilimberghi. And saw Titian's original portrait of Irene in the castle of the Counts Maniago, a family related to Irene's line. Very, very strange days I spent there. They gave me the impulse for my novella “Im Friaul,”17 which appeared at the time in “Westermanns Monatshefte” and then in the volume of novellas Tollkraut.

At home things did not grow more comfortable. I spent a summer on Sylt and fetched fresh strength of nerve from its surf. Oswald's letters then always became so mild and conciliatory that I talked myself round again into believing that everything was my fault alone, and returned with the very best intentions to the Findlingsstraße, with its view of the pale chain of Alps.

And then suddenly came the realisation that I was in a certain condition for the second time. I was beside myself about it, turned over the darkest thoughts — but nothing was any use. Oswald sent me to Warnemünde the following summer to build up my strength, and I came home far advanced. The birth was normal; it was a boy, and he was baptised Botho18! He was black as a little devil and had a great resemblance to his father. —

Soon I had got over it all. The christening went off comparatively splendidly. Prince Ernst was present.

It became summer again. It was the Writers' Day in Munich. We meant to attend. But Princess Marie of Meiningen, our friend's sister, had put up at the “Rheinischer Hof” and had invited us to breakfast. It grew very late for the excursion to Tutzing that the writers' association was making. Oswald gave it up, but since the Jensens wanted to come too, who had recently moved to Munich, I went alone. (I had introduced the prince to the Jensens. He had fallen in love with the fifteen-year-old Käthe19, and three years later they became man and wife.)

I got into the departing train just in time. In those days I wore what was called a Goethe plait.

At Tutzing all the writers were presented to me, among others the novelist Konrad Telmann20. He told me that years before — prompted to it by the Jensens — he had wanted to visit me in Rome, but had refrained out of shyness after all. He also presented his mother to me, Frau Justizrätin Zitelmann. A very dear, talkative old lady. The next day we met again at the Chiemsee. Oswald had come along this time too, and the two men — the great blond giant with the speaking eyes, the red beard and the sunken chest, and Oswald, the small, dainty artist of living with the short-sighted velvet gaze, seemed extremely congenial to each other at this first meeting.

The next day Telmann visited us with his mother. Then they travelled on. — I heard nothing from them for a few weeks, and had all kinds of upsets with Leni, who turned out to be a thief and a prostitute under police supervision, and was being secretly treated with mercury21. It was a dreadful discovery. For years she had been taking bedding and linen to the pawn office with the help of the landlady, humbugging her that it was being done for the poor mistress and in her name. Everyone shuddered at the depth of corruption in this so open-hearted-looking Upper Bavarian girl. Naturally we sent her packing. Later she was cured again, and ended as a child-murderer in prison. In our house she had had the most various male visitors every night, and for a long time nobody in the building had noticed.

“You can hardly deny this person breadth of vision,” I remarked to Oswald.

I had recently brought out my first poems, “Regina Vitae,”22 with a Berlin publisher. Theodor Storm, as I have already written, spoke of their strong and great talent; but Paul Heyse was appalled at them. “These are stammered pages of a diary — far too intimate for the public.” — There was a poem to Oswald in it, too:

“You have come — an angel of light, yet light is akin to fire — and you will go — a demon of nothing23, who has burnt my life to ashes.”

After the shock with Leni I went for a few weeks with a new maid and the children to the “Ellerburg,” the inn near Kufstein was called something like that. Oswald went to Colberg.

At Kufstein I painted a few flower pieces and took long walks into the Kaisergebirge. The children stayed with the maid close by the house. Some time before, I had sent my poems “Regina vitae” to Telmann and asked for his judgement. Once I had stayed out longer, and was coming back from an enormous walk. On the way home my poem “Solitude”24 had come into my mind (which many maintained was my best):

“My heart's blood I would give — could it redeem me from you, O solitude! —”

The children were already asleep with the maid in the next room. In the dark I reach onto the table for the matches and get hold of a small parcel, evidently a book.

I make a light and find a book and a letter from Konrad Telmann. In it he says: “How can one apply the everyday yardstick to a creature of genius25 — there is always a little gypsy blood in it as well.” — I could not help laughing when I thought of Oswald's years of effort to make a correct everyday lady out of me.

About “Regina vitae” he wrote: “Perhaps this and that in it may be found fault with by some; but this these poems do show: that you are a real, genuine poet by the grace of God.”

The letter was of 22 September. On 5 October the second came. And then in May the last letter before the first momentous meeting again — before the decision of three human destinies!

Notes

Sources, identifications, and points where the German carries something English cannot. Added by this project; not in the original.

  1. ↑at first it was to be called “Rex regum” — “King of Kings” — the phrase she had brought back from the royal crypt at Saint-Denis. The title she settled on, Mors Imperator, replaces the king with an emperor. Which is the whole trouble in three words. In 1887 Germany had an emperor, aged ninety, and the Academy read the picture as being about him.
  2. ↑“only we cannot do that to the aged Emperor — The reason for the rejection, spoken by the president of the Academy to a passing prince before the exhibition opened — and the formula she was to be given instead, invented in the same breath. This is the heart of the scandal as the memoir tells it. The official verdict on Mors Imperator, as Becker published it over the date 6 August 1887, was “not the subject in itself, but the unartistic expression of a crooked thought” (Allgemeine Zeitung, 9 August 1887). Here is Becker deciding to say something of the kind because the real objection — a memento mori in front of the ninety-year-old Wilhelm I — could not be said aloud. Her open letter of August 1887 says he did say it aloud, to her: the subject, he told her, was the sole ground of the rejection. She knew it because Prince Ernst of Saxe-Meiningen, a painter and a friend of her house, happened to be in the room and telegraphed her.
  3. ↑assured in black and white — A thirty-three-year-old painter, told by the president of the Academy that she would hardly obtain the Emperor's opinion, obtained it in writing within days. It is the most concrete lead in the chapter. Something to that effect must have passed through the Prussian court and the Academy's own files — the papers of the Royal Academy of Arts, and the Hausarchiv, ought to be able to produce it. As far as we can tell, nobody has looked.
  4. ↑The one in “Ulk” — Ulk, the Berlin satirical weekly published with the Berliner Tageblatt. The caricature and its caption should be findable in the 1887 volumes — as should the “life stories” the papers ran. Note what she says the rumours were: that she had demanded the picture be shown only in a black-hung room by candlelight. She denies it. Something very like it became part of her legend anyway, and the site's own account of her should not repeat it as fact.
  5. ↑the curse of my life — Her verdict on her own most famous picture, from thirty years' distance and repeated twice more in this chapter. Her reasoning is worth taking seriously as art-market history rather than self-pity: the sensation fixed her permanently as an “outsider,” and the dealers who by the time she wrote controlled which painters were saleable would not handle an outsider who had once made a fortune outside them. She uses the same word — geschlossene Phalanx, closed phalanx — that she had used in the 1896 lecture for the men who close ranks against a woman who must be taken seriously. (the 1896 lecture)
  6. ↑I had published a broadsheet — A Flugblatt, written with Friedrich Dernburg of the Berliner Tageblatt, explaining the picture as the “Ruler Death, crowned with the iron ring of necessity.” A publication of hers we did not know existed, and the one document that would tell us how she wanted the painting read at the moment of the scandal. Worth hunting in the Berlin library catalogues and the 1887 press.
  7. ↑over fifty thousand marks — Her figure: from admission tickets alone, over five years of touring one painting — four to five times her already exceptional annual income from selling pictures. The press gives far less for the first stop: the Berlin showing of 1887 took almost 2,500 marks gross (Hamburgischer Correspondent, 11 September 1887). It is worth setting beside the previous chapter, where the same woman is pawning household objects to buy meat. Both are true: the money came in and went out again, into a marriage in which she was told that earning bread “did not suit” her husband.
  8. ↑the merchant Fritz in Zurich — The buyer, named — though the name is probably garbled here. A later chapter calls him “Herr Fiertz aus Zürich,” which is a real Zurich surname (Fierz); “Fritz” looks like her slip or the printer's. Mors Imperator went into a Swiss private collection, but not out of sight: it was for sale again in 1901 and hung in her own shows until at least 1905. After that no record we have found places it until it resurfaced in 2024 for the 2026 Berlin exhibition. Provenance research has known there was a Swiss sale around 1892. Here the seller names her buyer, and the second mention gives the better spelling: a merchant Fierz or Fiertz of Zurich, who lent the picture back for her own touring shows — he sent it to her Düsseldorf exhibition years later — and meant to sell it on. A collector of that name in Zurich in the 1890s should be traceable. One printing points elsewhere: a Leipzig review of September 1901 has the picture “until now in a private gallery in Basel” and back among the pictures for sale at her show there (Leipziger Tageblatt, 30 September 1901).
  9. ↑“called up,” as people said, by my picture — Wilhelm I died in March 1888; Crown Prince Rudolf of Austria killed himself and Mary Vetsera at Mayerling in January 1889; Friedrich III died of throat cancer in June 1888 after a reign of ninety-nine days, and his widow Victoria in 1901. The Academy had refused to hang a memento mori in front of a ninety-year-old emperor. Within eighteen months of the picture going on show privately, that emperor and his son were both dead, and Europe was inclined to remember who had painted Death crowned. It is the reason the picture followed her for the rest of her life.
  10. ↑And into her hand falls the picture “Mors Imperator”! — The end of the friendship of the previous chapter — the twenty-two sittings, the violets, the kisses on coming and going — in one envelope. The timing is exact and terrible. Morell Mackenzie was called in in May 1887 and the cancer was confirmed at San Remo that November; the picture was still unseen by the public. Victoria opened a letter she was glad to receive, from a friend whose handwriting she knew, and found a photograph of Death enthroned and crowned. She never wrote again, and Preuschen only learned why long afterwards, from the lady-in-waiting.
  11. ↑Emma L. — Emma Lutteroth, the friend from Gude's class in chapter 6, of whom she promised there that she would come to “a sad end at the dangerous age.” This chapter keeps the promise. German accounts say her novella Meine Freundin (“My Friend”) draws on this friendship. What follows here is the material it was drawn from.
  12. ↑a forbidden love of Ibsen's for her — Ibsen's late infatuations with much younger women are famous — Emilie Bardach at Gossensaß in 1889, the Munich painter Helene Raff, the pianist Hildur Andersen. Emma Lutteroth, a Munich woman painter in his circle in the same years, does not appear in that literature at all. Preuschen did not believe her, and says why: she knew Ibsen's dryness too well and was in the house herself. Given how the chapter ends, the claim may say more about Lutteroth's state than about Ibsen. But it is first-hand testimony about his circle from someone inside it, and Ibsen scholarship has not had it.
  13. ↑“Rebekka West has a cornflower-blue dress and a white bib apron.” — Ibsen on the heroine of Rosmersholm, published in November 1886 — so this is the New Year of 1886–87, at his apartment in the Munich Maximilianstraße. It is the kind of remark Ibsen scholarship collects and, as far as we can tell, has not collected: the dramatist describing one of his own characters as a physical presence, down to the apron, over New Year punch. Preuschen sets it beside the detail that his figures “pressed on him with tangible solidity” — and that the flat was freezing all year because his wife suffered from hot flushes.
  14. ↑On the morning of the opening she shot herself. — A woman painter kills herself on the morning her own exhibition is to open, and the suicide draws the crowd her pictures had not; and because the opening had been put back a fortnight, she had waited two weeks longer than she meant to. Preuschen's flat sentence — “that caused a sensation, and brought the pictures a great crowd” — comes from a woman who had just made a fortune out of a scandal, and knows exactly what it is worth. The Munich Kunstverein's records should give the date and the exhibition, and the police or press notices the name in full. It is also, presumably, the ending of her novella Meine Freundin.
  15. ↑“Irene von Spilimberg on the Death-Gondola.” — The painting she showed at the 1893 Chicago World's Fair, where the catalogue called it Elaine — and here is the subject in her own words: Irene di Spilimbergo lying in state on the Piazzetta, garlanded with flowers by the people of Venice. Two chapters have now closed this question. In chapter 6 Scheffel tells her the story over Sunday lunch in Karlsruhe; here, some fifteen years later, she paints it. The rival title recorded for the Chicago picture — Titian's Pupil and Irene von Spilimberg in the Gondola of Death — is her own. Elaine, Tennyson's lily maid floating dead in her barge, is what the fair called a picture of a dead young woman in a Venetian funeral boat. (the surviving plate)
  16. ↑I had myself photographed life-size as a corpse. I still possess the picture. — So the dead woman in the Chicago picture is Preuschen herself. She gave Irene di Spilimbergo her own face on the grounds that Irene was “a painter and a poet like me,” and worked from a life-size photograph of herself laid out as a corpse. This is the largest single thing the memoir has given us about her work. The only surviving image of the painting is a halftone plate in an American souvenir volume of 1894, captioned Elaine — and it is a self-portrait as a dead woman, made by a painter who had just made her name with Death crowned and enthroned. She still had the photograph when she wrote the memoir, in the last years of her life, which makes it an object worth hunting in whatever survives of her estate. (the plate)
  17. ↑“Im Friaul,” — A second novella of hers tied to a real journey — it is in Tollkraut (1893), which this project holds, alongside “Truggold,” the fictionalised first Roman year. It appeared first in Westermanns Monatshefte. (Tollkraut)
  18. ↑he was baptised Botho — A son, of the first marriage — and, like his sister Ada in the previous chapter, absent from every account of Preuschen we have seen. So there were two children by Oswald Schmidt: Ada, born in Rome, and Botho. The reference works name only the two daughters of the Telmann marriage. Her reaction to the second pregnancy is recorded without softening: she was beside herself, and “turned over the darkest thoughts.”
  19. ↑the fifteen-year-old Käthe — Katharina Jensen, daughter of the poet Wilhelm Jensen from chapter 6 — who married Prince Ernst of Saxe-Meiningen. Preuschen made the introduction. The match is on the record in the Meiningen histories; that it happened because Preuschen took her prince to her poet's house is not. Prince Ernst is also the man who overheard Becker rejecting Mors Imperator and telegraphed her — a friendship that turns up at every hinge of this chapter.
  20. ↑the novelist Konrad Telmann — Konrad Telmann, whose real name was Zitelmann (1854–1897) — her second husband. This is the meeting, at a writers' outing to Tutzing that she attended alone because her husband preferred a princess's breakfast. The two descriptions in one sentence are the whole of what followed: the blond giant with the sunken chest — he was to die of tuberculosis in Rome ten years later — and the small, dainty “artist of living” with the short-sighted velvet gaze. They took to each other immediately.
  21. ↑was being secretly treated with mercury — Mercury was the standard treatment for syphilis. “Under police supervision” means she was on the register of controlled prostitutes — the system by which German cities licensed and medically inspected sex work. The detail matters for the previous chapter too: some of the household goods going to the pawn office in Preuschen's name were going there without her knowledge, and against her account of pawning things herself to buy meat, both were happening at once.
  22. ↑my first poems, “Regina Vitae,” — Regina vitae! (“Queen of Life!”), her first book: sixty-one poems, published in Berlin by F. & P. Lehmann, dated 1888 on the title page and on sale by late November 1887. It is the first of the seven volumes of verse she counted up in chapter 6. Two library copies are digitised; the one linked here, from Coburg, still has her portrait. It is also the book she dedicated to Theodor Storm with his permission but before he had read it — and which, when he did read it, made him recoil: “every song is an untamed, reprehensible cry of nature.” Heyse's verdict here is the same objection in Munich terms: too intimate to print. The quatrain below is in the book, on page 18, but it has no title there and is addressed to no one. The poem the book does head “An Oswald” (“To Oswald”, page 3) is a love poem. Calling the quatrain a poem to Oswald is the memoir's doing, not the book's. (Regina vitae! (1888), the Coburg copy)
  23. ↑a demon of nothing — She misquotes her own poem. In Regina vitae! (page 18) the third line reads “Und Du wirst gehen, ein böser Geist”, “and you will go, an evil spirit”, and so it reads in the two newspapers that quoted it in 1887. The printed quatrain has commas where she remembers dashes, and ends on an exclamation mark: “Du bist gekommen, ein Engel des Lichts, / Doch Licht ist dem Feuer verwandt — / Und Du wirst gehen, ein böser Geist, / Der mein Leben zu Asche gebrannt!” The memoir's version also rhymes where the printed one does not: Lichts rhymes with Nichts, not with Geist. The two newspapers are the Hallesches Tageblatt of 27 November 1887 and the Berliner Börsen-Zeitung of 22 December 1887.
  24. ↑my poem “Solitude” — Not in Regina vitae!, though she mentions the two together here. It is the last poem in her next book, Via passionis (1895), on page 167, headed “To Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson”, and it opens with the two lines she quotes. No earlier printing of it has been found here. (Via passionis (1895), page 167)
  25. ↑“How can one apply the everyday yardstick to a creature of genius — »an ein geniales Menschenkind« — and Menschenkind is neuter, so in Telmann's German the person of genius is once again an it, exactly as in the argument of her 1896 lecture. The contrast she draws is the point of the whole chapter. Her husband had spent five years trying to make “a correct everyday lady” of her; the man she would marry next opens by telling her that the everyday yardstick does not apply to her. The phrase he reaches for to say it — “a little gypsy blood” — was a commonplace of the period for artistic waywardness, and rests on the same contempt for Romani people that made it usable as a compliment. (the 1896 lecture)